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#16
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Look, Im against unreasonable searches and seizures as much as the next person, but Im telling you the Patriot Act is FAR more invasive that what you've shown me so far.... |
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#17
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Last edited by strandinthewind; 06-28-2005 at 10:00 PM.. |
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#18
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Here are some more articles:
http://www.aclu.org/SafeandFree/Safe...ID=12161&c=206 http://www.enterstageright.com/archi...202patriot.htm http://sflaborcouncil.org/control/as...I%20report.pdf http://billroggio.com/archives/2004/...tical_issu.php http://www.omnicenter.org/justicecol...#usapatriotact http://edition.cnn.com/2005/ALLPOLIT...3/patriot.act/ Not that many lay people know or care about RICO - but that is the source of all of this civil rights bruhaha today. |
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#19
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As for the First Amendment and RICO:
PROTECTING ANTI-ABORTION PROTESTS, PROTECTS ALL By CHARLES LEVENDOSKY Casper Star-Tribune On Feb. 26, a nearly unanimous U.S. Supreme Court protected the right of protest for anti-abortion demonstrators -- and for everyone else, as well. The 8-to-1 decision (Scheidler v. National Organization for Women, Inc.) will not be popular with those who find the tactics of Operation Rescue and others who actively oppose legal abortion threatening, destructive and coercive. The National Organization for Women filed a class action lawsuit against the Pro-Life Action Network (PLAN), Joseph Scheidler, Operation Rescue and several individuals, claiming a nationwide conspiracy to shut down abortion clinics through the use of extortion. NOW had won their lawsuit at the federal district court level and at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. The district court entered a permanent nationwide injunction prohibiting the anti-abortion organizations from obstructing access to abortion clinics, from trespassing on clinic property, from damaging clinic property, or from using violence or threats of violence against the clinics, their employees or their patients. The appellate court upheld that injunction as well as the damages awarded by the jury which heard the case in the district court. Scheidler and company appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, and there the judicial tide turned. Chief Justice William Rehnquist wrote the opinion for the high court. NOW had sued the anti-abortion groups asserting they had committed numerous acts of extortion within the meaning of a federal criminal law, the Hobbs Act. NOW also asserted that the groups' nationwide pattern of criminal activity violated the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO). The Hobbs Act defines extortion as "the obtaining of property from another, with his consent, induced by wrongful use of actual or threatened force, violence, or fear, or under color of official right." In the decision, Rehnquist acknowledges: "There is not dispute in these cases that petitioners (Scheidler, et al.) interfered with, disrupted, and in some instances completely deprived respondents (NOW, et al.) of their ability to exercise their property rights." Even the attorney for the anti-abortion groups readily admitted in oral argument that his clients' conduct was criminal, agreeing that his clients had committed trespass and the destruction of property, among other things. However, the crux of the lawsuit rested on whether the anti-abortion groups had committed extortion. Rehnquist writes: "But even when their acts of interference and disruption achieved their ultimate goal of 'shutting down' a clinic that performed abortions, such acts did not constitute extortion because petitioners (Scheidler, et al.) did not 'obtain' respondents' (NOW, et al.) property." Rehnquist describes the actions of the anti-abortion groups as a crime of coercion -- the use of force or threat of force to restrict another's freedom of action -- but not extortion. Rehnquist sums up the high court's position: "Because we find that petitioners did not obtain or attempt to obtain property from respondents, we conclude that there was no basis upon which to find that they committed extortion under the Hobbs Act." Since there was no pattern of extortion, according to the high court, the severe penalties of RICO do not come into play. RICO requires a prior showing of and a conviction for a pattern of serious criminal activity. RICO allows both criminal penalties and heavy civil liabilities. Both law enforcement and private citizens can bring action against those who engage in conduct covered by the act. One can receive a 20-year sentence for a single criminal violation of RICO. A private citizen can receive three times the actual damages suffered as well as attorneys' fees from a person who, in acting against the citizen, violated RICO. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in a short concurring opinion, which was joined by Justice Stephen Breyer, points out the dangers involved in using RICO. And this is really the heart of the matter. Ginsburg writes that a decision in favor of NOW would have ramifications far beyond the original intent of the RICO act. In a footnote to the Ginsburg concurrence, she notes that at oral argument, the U.S. Solicitor General was asked: "Do you agree that your interpretation would have been applicable to the civil rights sit-ins?" He responded: "Under some circumstances, it could have if illegal force or threats were used to prevent a business from operating." The use of RICO to punish protests with which we disagree would inevitably stifle all protests. NOW unwisely took an approach against anti-abortion activists that might have struck back like a snake. For example, women protesting against unfair labor practices or unequal pay -- if a few people in the protest were to engage in destructive acts -- could find themselves the target of a RICO prosecution. The severity of RICO penalties, whether criminal or civil, when used against legitimate free speech activities like demonstrations, protests or marches would soon silence even the most significant voices of dissent. Often, it is through dissent that we hear the full spectrum of minority opinions. The Supreme Court was correct in reversing the lower federal courts' rulings. In its decision, the high court ensured the right of protest for everyone across the social-political spectrum -- for now. Unfortunately, the USA PATRIOT Act creates a new federal crime of "domestic terrorism" that extends to "acts dangerous to human life that are a violation of criminal laws" if they "appear to be intended to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion." Under the Patriot Act, would an anti-abortion protest fall under this new crime? The high court agreed that coercion was used by the protestors. Does a march for peace in the nation's capital become an act of domestic terrorism if someone throws a rock through a window of a business? The march is certainly "intended to influence the policy" of the Bush administration. Does a march for peace of 250,000 individuals constitute "intimidation"? The Supreme Court will undoubtedly face this issue in the near future. Let us hope the grit and respect for First Amendment activities that informed the Scheidler decision remain intact. Copyright Casper Star-Tribune March 2, 2003 http://fact.trib.com/1st.lev.protestnoextort.html ___________________________________________ He has a point unless you think no one should be able to protest an abortion clinic I think they have a Constitutional right to be there peacefully.Here are some more: http://www.fsu.edu/~crimdo/rico.html http://www.religioustolerance.org/abo_rico.htm |
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#20
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#21
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it should not be - I mean what constitutes a threat - a peacful protest outside the clinic I cannot believe you are actually arguing this. I mean under your rationale, if you said something more than once on the net and it was a treat - well, they can prosecute you under RICO - that is scary and unfair. |
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#22
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#23
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Im still not sure I follow your assertion that RICO itself guts the 4th Amendment...from what I read, for a person to be prosecutable under RICO, they have to have been charged/convicted of the underlying crimes of extortion/bribery/robbery etc....so, it looks to me like a RICO conviction is only possible if the core crime has been successfully litigated FIRST |
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#24
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As for the lack of prosecution, they very well may have been and that prosecusion was not part of this case. But, if they were not, they should have been. But, the lack of prosecution under a correct method cannot warrant or validate an improper prosecution under RICO. |
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#25
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by the way: protests outside abortion clinics are RARELY peaceful. This is WAR to these folks. |
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#27
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#30
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which can include blocking the doorway etc....this just makes me sick because at NO OTHER CLINIC do you have people interfering with patients or their caregivers ![]() |
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