9/11 Commission Statement Released!!!!!

[dissention]

The plot just gets thicker and thicker. This is shocking. I am absolutely speechless. Everyone was asleep at the wheel and no one did their job. Condoleezza Rice should be put in prison.

If you're a responsible person, I expect that you'll read all of this.

"Threats and Responses in 2001"

Members of the Commission, with your help, your staff has developed preliminary findings regarding awareness of the threat of terrorist attack in the months leading up to September 11, 2001, and some aspects of the immediate response.

This report reflects the results of our work so far. We remain ready to revise our understanding as our work continues. This staff statement represents the collective effort of a number of members of our staff. Barbara Grewe, Michael Jacobson, Thomas Eldridge, and Susan Ginsburg did much of the work reflected in this statement.

We have built upon the substantial work carried out by the Joint Inquiry of the House and Senate Intelligence Committees. We have obtained excellent cooperation from the CIA (news - web sites), FBI (news - web sites), and the Office of Inspector General of the Department of Justice (news - web sites). They made significant material available for the preparation of this statement.

"The 2001 Threat"

For years the U.S. government had experienced surges of threat reports. Significant surges had been experienced, for example, at the end of 1999 as part of a more generalized fear of attacks associated with Millennium events. There had been other surges in threat reporting during the summer of 2000 and in the Ramadan period at the end of 2000. But until 2001 the Millennium had set a kind of benchmark, and so it is worth recalling that episode.

In early December 1999, Jordanian authorities discovered a cell planning attacks on a hotel and other tourist sites. The CIA learned of links between this cell and people living in Boston and Los Angeles. Then, in mid-December, U.S. border inspectors caught Ahmed Ressam at the Canadian border trying to smuggle explosives into the United States. Investigators later learned his true target was the Los Angeles International Airport. The FBI linked Ressam to a terrorist cell in Montreal that, in turn, had links to individuals in Brooklyn. NSC Counterterrorism Coordinator Richard Clarke told us that at that point the U.S. government went to what we would now call an "orange" alert. In an extraordinary effort, spurred by Attorney General Janet Reno (news - web sites), the FBI mobilized its field offices nationwide to prevent an attack.

Beginning in December, there was an intense period with frequent phone calls and meetings among cabinet-level principals. The FBI asked for and obtained an extraordinary number of warrants. Principals participated directly in tracking the progress of various domestic investigations. Berger, in particular, met or spoke constantly with (CIA Director George)Tenet and Attorney General (Janet) Reno. He visited the FBI and the CIA on Christmas Day 1999 to raise the morale of exhausted officials. After the Millennium passed, a more normal work pace returned. But, as Tenet recalled to us, the Millennium was followed by the October 2000 Cole bombing, then threats during the Ramadan period at the end of 2000. "You're running like hell" during this entire period, he said. Until officials live through one of these periods, he added, they cannot understand what it is like.

In Spring 2001, the level of reporting on terrorist threats and planned attacks began to increase dramatically, representing the most significant spike in activity since the Millennium. At the end of March the Intelligence Community disseminated a Terrorist Threat Advisory, indicating there was a heightened threat of Sunni extremist terrorist attacks against U.S. facilities, personnel, and other interests in the coming weeks. In April and May 2001 the drumbeat of reporting increased. Articles presented to top officials contained headlines such as: "bin Laden planning multiple operations." "bin Laden public profile may presage attack." "Bin Laden networks plans advancing." By late May there were reports of a hostage plot against Americans to force the release of prisoners, including Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, the "Blind Sheikh," who was serving a life sentence for his role in the 1993 plot to blow up sites in New York City. The reporting noted that the operatives may opt to hijack an aircraft or storm a U.S. embassy. The reporting also mentioned that Abu Zubaydah was planning an attack and expected to carry out more if things went well. The U.S. government redoubled efforts, ongoing since late 1999, to capture Abu Zubaydah. National Counterterrorism Coordinator Clarke also called National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice (news - web sites)'s attention to possible plots in Yemen and Italy, and by an alleged cell in Canada that might be planning an attack against the United States.

Reports similar to these were made available to President Bush in morning meetings with DCI Tenet, usually attended by Vice President (Dick) Cheney and National Security Adviser Rice as well. None of these reports mentioned that the attacks might occur in the United States. At the end of May, Counterterrorist Center (CTC) Chief Cofer Black told Rice that the current threat level was a "7" on a scale of 10, as compared to an "8" during the Millennium.

The threat reports surged again in June and July, reaching an even higher peak of urgency. A Terrorist Threat Advisory in late June indicated that there was a high probability of near-term "spectacular" terrorist attacks resulting in numerous casualties. Headlines from intelligence reports were stark: "Bin Laden threats are real." "Bin Laden planning high profile attacks." The intelligence reporting consistently described the upcoming attacks as occurring on a catastrophic level, indicating that they would cause the world to be in turmoil, consisting of possible multiple but not necessarily simultaneous attacks. A late June report stated that Bin Laden operatives expect near-term attacks to have dramatic consequences of catastrophic proportion.

Rice told us Clarke and his Counterterrorism and Security Group (CSG) were "the nerve center" in coordinating responses but that principals were also involved. In addition to his daily meetings with President Bush, and weekly meetings to go over other issues with National Security Adviser Rice, Tenet continued his regular meetings with Secretary (of State Colin) Powell and Secretary (of Defense Donald) Rumsfeld. The foreign policy principals talked on the phone every day on a variety of subjects, including the threat. The summer threats seemed to be focused on Saudi Arabia, Israel, Bahrain, Kuwait, Yemen, and possibly Rome, but the danger could be anywhere, including a possible attack on the G-8 summit in Genoa, where air defense measures were taken. Disruption operations were launched involving twenty countries. Several terrorist operatives were detained by foreign governments, possibly disrupting operations in the Gulf and Italy and perhaps averting attacks against two or three U.S. embassies. U.S. armed forces in at least six countries were placed on higher alert. Units of the 5th Fleet were redeployed. Embassies were alerted. Vice President Cheney contacted Crown Prince Abdullah to get more Saudi help. DCI Tenet phoned or met with approximately 20 top security officials from other countries. Deputy National Security Adviser Hadley apparently called European counterparts. Clarke worked with senior officials in the Gulf.

At Rice's request, on July 5 the CIA briefed Attorney General John Ashcroft on the al-Qaeda threat, warning that a significant terrorist attack was imminent, and a strike could occur at any time. That same day, officials from domestic agencies, including the FAA, met with Clarke to discuss the current threat. Rice worked directly with Tenet on security issues for the G-8 summit. In addition to the individual reports, on July 11 top officials received a summary recapitulating the mass of al-Qaeda-related threat reporting on several continents. Tenet told us that in his world "the system was blinking red," and by late July it could not have been any worse. Tenet told us he felt that President Bush and other officials grasped the urgency of what they were being told.

On July 27 Clarke informed Rice and Hadley that the spike in signals intelligence about a near-term attack had stopped. He urged keeping readiness high during the August vacation period, warning that another report suggested an attack had just been postponed for a few months. On August 3 the Intelligence Community issued a Threat Advisory warning that the threat of impending al-Qaeda attacks would likely continue indefinitely. The advisory cited threats in the Arabian Peninsula, Jordan, Israel, and Europe, and suggested that al-Qaeda was lying in wait and searching for gaps in security before moving forward with the planned attacks.

During the spring and summer of 2001, President Bush had occasionally asked his briefers whether any of the threats pointed to the United States. Reflecting on these questions, the CIA decided to write a briefing article summarizing its understanding of this danger. The article, which the President received on August 6, is attached to this staff statement.

Despite the large number of threats received, there were no specifics regarding time, place, method, or target. Disruption efforts continued. An al-Qaeda associate from North Africa, connected to Abu Zubaydah, was arrested in the United Arab Emirates on August 13. He had apparently been planning an attack against the U.S. Embassy in Paris.

CIA analysts who have recently reviewed the threat surge of the summer of 2001 told us they believe it may have been related to a separate stream of events. These threats may have been referring to the 9/11 attack, the planned assassination of Northern Alliance leader Ahmed Shah Massoud, or other operations.

In July 2001, the CSG alerted federal law enforcement agencies and asked the FAA to send out security advisories. Beginning on July 27 the FAA issued several security directives to U.S. air carriers prior to September 11. In addition, the FAA issued a number of general warnings about potential threats, primarily overseas, to civil aviation. None of these warnings required the implementation of additional aviation security measures. They urged air carriers to be alert.

Although there was no credible evidence of an attack in the United States, Clarke told us, the CSG arranged for the CIA to brief senior intelligence and security officials from the domestic agencies. The head of counterterrorism at the FBI, Dale Watson, said he had many discussions about possible attacks with Cofer Black at the CIA. They had expected an attack on July 4. Watson said he felt deeply that something was going to happen. But he told us the threat information was "nebulous." He wished he had known more. He wished he had had "500 analysts looking at Osama bin Laden threat information instead of two."

Rice and Hadley told us that, before 9/11, they did not feel they had the job of handling domestic security. They felt that Clarke and the CSG were the NSCs bridge between foreign and domestic threats. (HOLY F*CKING ****!!!)

In late August, working-level CIA and FBI officials realized that one or more al-Qaeda operatives might be in the United States. We have found no evidence that this discovery was ever briefed to the CSG, to principals, or to senior counterterrorism officials at the FBI or the CIA. Nor was the White House told about the arrest of Zacarias Moussaoui.

We investigated awareness of the terrorist threat within the Department of Justice and the FBI during the spring and summer of 2001. Rice told us that she believed the FBI had tasked its 56 U.S. field offices (ever hear the word perjury?!) to increase surveillance of suspected terrorists and to reach out to informants who might have information about terrorist plots. An NSC document at the time describes such a tasking having occurred in late June, although it does not indicate whether the tasking was generated by the NSC or the FBI.

At this point we have found the following: On April 13 FBI Headquarters alerted field offices to a heightened threat from al-Qaeda against U.S. interests. The communication detailed the threats against U.S. interests abroad, but made no mention of any possible threat inside the United States. The field offices were asked to "task all resources to include electronic databases and human sources for any information pertaining to the current operational activities relating to Sunni extremism."

On July 2 the FBI Counterterrorism Division sent a message to federal agencies and state and local law enforcement agencies that summarized information regarding threats against U.S. interests from bin Laden. The message reported that there was an increased volume of threat reporting indicating a potential for attacks against U.S. targets abroad from groups "aligned with or sympathetic to Osama bin Laden." It further stated, "the FBI has no information indicating a credible threat of terrorist attack in the United States." However, it went on to emphasize that the possibility of attack in the United States could not be discounted. It also noted that the July 4 holiday might heighten the threats. The report asked the recipients to "exercise vigilance" and "report suspicious activities" to the FBI.

Acting FBI Director Thomas Pickard recently told us that during his summer telephone calls with Special Agents in Charge of each FBI field office, he mentioned to each the heightened threat, among other subjects. He also told us that he had a conference call with all Special Agents in Charge on July 19 in which he discussed a variety of subjects. He said one of the items he mentioned was that they needed to have their evidence response teams ready to move at a moments notice in case they needed to respond to an attack.

We found in our field office visits last fall, however, that a number of FBI personnel, with the exception of those in the New York field office, did not recall a heightened sense of threat from al-Qaeda within the United States in summer 2001. For example, an international terrorism squad supervisor in the Washington Field Office told us he was neither aware in summer 2001 of an increased threat, nor did his squad take any special steps or actions. The Special Agent in Charge of the Miami Field Office told us he did not learn of the high level of threat until after September 11. (!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!)

Pickard said in late June and through July he met with Attorney General Ashcroft once a week. He told us that although he initially briefed the Attorney General regarding these threats, after two such briefings the Attorney General told him he did not want to hear this information anymore. The Justice Department has informed us that Attorney General Ashcroft, his former deputy, and his chief of staff deny that the Attorney General made any such statement to Pickard.

Prior to 9/11 neither Ashcroft nor his predecessors received a copy of the Presidents Daily Brief. After 9/11 Ashcroft began to receive portions of the brief that relate to counterterrorism.

While top officials in Washington were receiving and reacting to various threat reports, we need to step further down into the bureaucracy to trace a now-significant story of how particular al-Qaeda associates were addressed by lower-level officials. In Staff Statement No. 2 presented at our January hearing, we discussed the complex story of successes and failures in tracking and identifying hijackers Khalid al Mihdhar, Nawaf al Hazmi, Nawafs brother Salem al Hazmi, and the Cole bomber "Khallad."

Those efforts had trailed off in January 2000. No one at CIA headquarters reacted to the March 2000 cable from Bangkok that someone named Nawaf al Hazmi had traveled to the United States. But there were three episodes in 2001 when the CIA and/or the FBI had apparent opportunities to refocus on the significance of Hazmi and Mihdhar and reinvigorate the search for them. As in the 2000 story, the details are complex.

"January 2001: Identification of Khallad"

Almost one year after the original trail had been lost in Bangkok, the January 2000 rendezvous of suspected terrorists in Kuala Lumpur resurfaced. The FBI and the CIA learned from a conspirator in the U.S.S. Cole attack in Yemen that a person he knew as "Khallad" had helped direct the Cole bombing. One of the members of the FBIs investigative team in Yemen realized that he had previously heard of Khallad from a joint FBI/CIA source, who had said Khallad was close to bin Laden. Khallad was also linked to the East Africa embassy bombings in 1998.

The FBI agent obtained, from a foreign government, a photo of the person believed to have directed the Cole bombing. The joint source confirmed that the man in that photograph was the same Khallad he had described.

In December 2000, based on some analysis of information associated with Khalid al Mihdhar, the CIA's Bin Laden Station speculated that Khallad and Khalid al Mihdhar might be one and the same. So the CIA asked that a Kuala Lumpur surveillance photo of Mihdhar be shown to the joint source who had already identified an official photograph of Khallad.

In early January 2001 two photographs from the Kuala Lumpur meeting were shown to the joint source. One was a known photograph of Mihdhar, the other a photograph of an unknown subject. The joint source did not recognize Mihdhar. But he indicated he was 90 percent certain that the other individual was Khallad.

This meant that Khallad and Mihdhar were two different people. But the fact that both had attended the meeting in Kuala Lumpur also meant that there was a link between Khallad, a suspected leader in the Cole bombing, the Kuala Lumpur meeting, and Mihdhar. Despite this new information, we found no effort by the CIA to renew the long-abandoned search for Mihdhar or his travel companions.

In addition, we found that the CIA did not notify the FBI of this identification until late August. DCI Tenet and Cofer Black testified before the Joint Inquiry that the FBI had access to this identification from the beginning. But based on an extensive record, including documents that were not available to CIA personnel who drafted that testimony, we conclude they were in error. The FBI's primary Cole investigators had no knowledge of Khallad's possible participation in the Kuala Lumpur meeting until after the September 11 attacks.

This is an example of how day-to-day gaps in information sharing can emerge even in a situation of goodwill on all sides. The information was from a joint FBI/CIA source. The source spoke essentially no English. The FBI person on the scene oversea